Högre seminarium i nordiska språk

In this talk, I address the age-old problem of Germanic adjective inflection. Drawing on evidence of variation in Gothic and Old English, I argue—contrary to the traditional account—that the weak form of the adjective was not inherently definite in all contexts. Moreover, the variation between determined and undetermined weak adjectives points to an ongoing change in progress.

The traditional understanding of the structure and functioning of the Germanic adjective inflection refers toan intersection of three variables. Compare the following adjacent verses from the Gothic Bible:

1. jah [ahma weih-s] was ana imma
   ‘And the [Holy Spirit] was upon him’ (Luke 2:25)
   
   
2. jah was imma gataihan fram [ahmin þamma weih-in]
   ‘And it was revealed unto him by [the Holy Spirit]’ (Luke 2:26)

First, definite reference realized through the weak inflection of the adjective (2) typically occurs in anaphoric contexts, where it serves to specify a previously mentioned noun (1) or one that can be inferred from the situational context (i.e. known information). Second, the weak form of the adjective is obligatorily triggered by a definite determiner. Third, the contrast between the strong (indefinite) and weak (definite) forms across the adjective paradigm translates into an opposition ofindefiniteness and definiteness within the overarching morphosemantic category of determination.

I argue that this traditional presentation of the properties of the early Germanic adjective inflection requires revision. Evidence from Gothic—particularly the variation between determined and undetermined weak adjective forms—suggests that the weak inflection served multiple functions. When determined (e.g. Mk 10:10 bi þata samo frehun ‘asked about the same (matter)’), the weak form indeed conveyed definiteness. When undetermined, however, it functioned in a classifying or identifying capacity (e.g. Lk 17:34 ana ligra samin ‘in one bed’), without expressing definiteness. This variability calls into question the theoretical status of the det+wkadj construction. I argue that, since the definite feature of the weak inflection is selected only when the determiner is present, the det+wkadj construction should be understood as a case of nominal periphrasis.

This multifunctionality of the weak inflection is corroborated by the evidence from early Old English poetry—particularly The Ruin, The Wife’s Lament, Beowulf, etc.—where determined weak adjective forms convey definiteness, while undetermined ones serve classifying or identifying functions. In later Old English poetry, however, the use of undetermined weak forms declines, and weak adjectives become increasingly associated with definite determiners. This shift, along with the fact that in Old English weak adjective forms co-occur not only with definite determiners but also with possessive pronouns (e.g. mīn lēof-a sunu ‘my dear-def son’), suggests that an earlier periphrastic structure was undergoing reanalysis as an agreement phenomenon.

Taken together, the Gothic and early Old English evidence suggests that the det+wkadj construction emerged in early Germanic through some form of grammaticalization.